Mourning the disgrace of Ethiopia and Ethiopians

The uncritical support many Ethiopians display for the brutal war in Tigray will deepen the estrangement of Tigrayans from their country.

Since November 2020, Ethiopian citizens of the regional state of Tigray have been targeted in an utterly reckless and unspeakably brutal war.

The war against Tigray is waged by an alliance of three: the Ethiopian National Defense Force (ENDF), the militia of the Amhara regional state, and the defense forces of Eritrea. Despite censorship of the Ethiopian press and, until late, a complete blackout of news coverage from Tigray, there is ample, reliable information gathered by reputable international news agencies, human rights and humanitarian bodies, and the international diplomatic community.

There is, therefore, no disagreement in the international community over the recklessness or savagery of the war.

The Ethiopian government’s pronouncements on the war, when not deliberately false, are ridden with Orwellian duplicity. The official motive for the war is to enforce law and order in the region. Even if this is granted, it is far from obvious how flagrantly lawless action and outright war crimes can promote the rule of law.

Relatedly, the Ethiopian government has claimed that the war is an assertion of federal legal sovereignty against the ruling party in Tigray. This claim rings hollow in light of the Ethiopian government’s invitation or acceptance of Eritrea’s presence in Tigray. There is plain duplicity in the federal government’s intention to affirm Ethiopian sovereignty by harnessing an alien sovereign state against its own citizens.

In his speech to Parliament on 23 March, the Prime Minister went so far as to defend the continued presence of Eritrean troops in Tigray in light of what he described as Eritrea’s pressing national security interest, implying that this foreign interest somehow trumps Ethiopia’s sovereign interest in its territorial integrity.

Nor is it clear what national Eritrean security interest is at stake. Does it, for example, include the crime of destroying Eritrean refugee camps in Tigray or forcibly returning refugees to Eritrea?

What is more, the foreign power deployed to assist the Ethiopian defense forces is one that harbors not mere ill will, but deeply vengeful attitudes towards Tigray on account of Tigrayan political and military leadership during the Ethio-Eritrean war of 1999-2000, where Eritrea suffered complete defeat. (It is surely paradoxical that the State of Eritrea feels that the Tigray population was too loyal to Ethiopia in the previous war whereas the Ethiopian government feels that this same population is not sufficiently loyal to Ethiopia.)

To allow a state that is notoriously tyrannical to its own citizens a free hand to perpetrate aggression against a population which it deems a mortal enemy is a deplorable betrayal of the Ethiopian state’s obligation to protect its own citizens. Similarly, the Amhara militia mobilized to join the war has long borne resentment towards Tigray due to territorial claims of the Amhara region against its neighbor and for TPLF’s role in side-lining the long-dominant Amhara from the political decision-making.

Thus, the Ethiopian government’s willingness to deploy Eritrean and Amhara forces in a war against Tigray amounts to a decision that the fate of Tigrayans be left to their worst foreign and domestic enemies. Leaving their fate to their worst enemies cannot possibly be a promising way of winning the hearts and minds of Tigrayans.

The Ethiopian commander in chief presiding over the carnage in Tigray is a Nobel peace laureate. It somehow escaped notice that what was sold and rewarded as a peace accord between Ethiopia and Eritrea was, in fact, a war pact between the two governments aimed at the submission of the people of Tigray.

The echoes of Orwellian doublespeak, where everything is the exact dark opposite of what its name signifies, were disconcertingly evident even prior to the war. A striking early instance of life imitating fiction was the establishment of the Ministry of Peace—a designation which first appears in Orwell’s 1984—to house Ethiopia’s feared National Intelligence and Security Service (NISS) and Federal Police Commission, both now actively engaged in the war and the harassment of  Tigrayans across the country.

For the international community, there is by now no doubt that innocent Tigrayans were subjected to inhuman actions in the course of this war which violate international and humanitarian law, and have been exposed to man-made hunger.

Without any pretense of offering a complete catalog of crimes committed against the Tirgrayan population, it should never be forgotten that  Tigrayans suffered countless atrocities: flight in the tens of thousands to neighboring states; the internal displacement of a third of the Tigrayan population; widespread summary executions of civilians; the rampant use of rape as a deliberate instrument of war; the looting and deliberate destruction of villages, crops, livestock and vital institutions such as hospitals, clinics, schools, and factories; the looting and wanton destruction of religious shrines and sacred manuscripts in what appears to be a concerted effort to desecrate sites and objects essential to Tigray’s and Ethiopia’s cultural heritage; ethnic cleansing of Tigrayans from territories in Tigray that are contested by the Amhara regional state; the widespread purge of Tigrayans from national institutions such as the civil service and the national army.

Many of these grave misdeeds are entirely unprecedented in previous conflicts between the central government and regions, either under imperial, military, or EPRDF rule.

Against this dark backdrop, it is surely perplexing that non-Tigrayan Ethiopians, with the exception of historically marginalized communities such as the Oromo, are not disquieted by the abhorrent, war-crimes riddled campaign prosecuted in their name. While outsiders have condemned the war—calling for the withdrawal of Eritrean Defense Forces and Amhara militia as well as a cessation of hostilities and the initiation of negotiations— many Ethiopians have greeted the slaughter and suffering in Tigray with acquiescence or active complicity in the form of a consistent readiness to deny the savagery.

What explains the non-Tigrayan Ethiopians response which stands in stark contrast with that of the international community, and even that of many Eritreans in the diaspora?

There was certainly much popular discontent with authoritarian rule under EPRDF and with the dominance of TPLF in the ruling coalition — and, by extension, in Ethiopian political life more broadly. Exploiting this discontent, the current Ethiopian government sought to win legitimacy by demonizing and scapegoating TPLF and its Tigrayan supporters.

They were held solely responsible not just for all the wrongs of EPRDF, thereby whitewashing the role of the other constituent parties of the ruling coalition in which the present leadership is rooted, but also for the many conflicts that erupted across the country under the current government’s watch.

Yet, the blames assigned to TPLF, even if warranted, cannot possibly explain away the evils visited upon ordinary citizens of Tigray. How can anyone uphold the scorched-earth policy as a punishment deserved by Ethiopian citizens of Tigray? Regardless of the explanation one proffers, the denial or tolerance of barbaric practices of the allied forces against Tigrayans is, and will remain, an unforgettable moral disgrace.

Beyond the novelty of crimes perpetrated by the present Ethiopian state and its allies, the popular support of military action against the people of Tigray is unprecedented in previous conflicts between the central government and regions. Accordingly, the possibility of a permanent severance of ties between peoples is particularly concerning.

Mere state violence and repression against ethnic communities are not uncommon in our history and it leaves room for gradual healing and reconciliation. In contrast, popularly sanctioned violence against any ethnic population rarely allows for healing and invites separation. Herein lies the explanation for why many Tigrayans have come to regard the prospect of eventual unification with (post-Isaias) Eritrea far more promising than continued membership in the Ethiopian state.

The brutality and scope of the violence inflicted by the Eritrean Defense Forces is said to exceed that perpetrated by either the federal military or Amhara militia. The critical difference here lies in the divergent responses to the war by the Eritrean and Ethiopian public—condemnation by the former and sweeping endorsement by the latter.

Consumed by blind hate, many Ethiopians lamentably forget that their hostility to Tigrayans jeopardizes what undoubtedly matters to them and to all of us: the survival of the Ethiopian political community. History will surely remember how Ethiopian citizens sacrificed the honor and resilience of their country for transient and unlovely passions of resentment and revenge.

We Ethiopians should feel deep shame and outrage over the war unleashed against our fellow citizens. We must stand in solidarity with the ordinary people of Tigray during this hour when their very survival is at stake. A failure on our part to demonstrate our support for the innocent victims of the war risks the loss of both of our moral standing as a nation as well as Tigrayans’ sense of belonging to the Ethiopian state.

Unless these losses are readily avoided, the survival of a meaningful Ethiopian political community will be seriously in question.


Astonishingly, in close succession to the Prime Minister’s 23 March admission of Eritrean troops’ presence in Tigray, on 26 March, the Prime Minister announced, on Twitter, in a peculiarly deferential tone, that the Eritrean government has agreed to withdraw its forces from Tigray. If true, this is certainly a welcome turn of events.

However welcome, this most recent announcement by the Prime Minister raises vexing questions: How can the withdrawal be independently verified? What independent body will monitor the situation on the ground in order to assure that Eritrean troops will not return to Tigray?

The announcement by the Prime Minister also declares that the border between Eritrea and Ethiopia will be safeguarded by Ethiopian defense forces. However, nothing is said about who provides the authoritative demarcation of the border.

Finally, the announcement of the withdrawal makes no mention of cessation of hostilities or arrangements towards lasting peace, including the matter of bringing perpetrators of grave war crimes to justice.

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About the author

Mistir Sew

This is a generic byline for all anonymous authors. The anonymity could be because they fear repercussions, as they are not authorized by their employers to express their views publicly, or for other reasons.


  • A good article, disclosing the essense of things and describing exactly the stance of authors of some of the comments.

  • From

    Mr.Mistir Sew;

    You wote :

    “Does it, for example, include the crime of destroying Eritrean refugee camps in Tigray or forcibly returning refugees to Eritrea?”

    Unfortunately, none of you writers talking only on issue of such as your above allegation by disregarding the other side of story. I always wonder how long you guys are going to walk with one eyed for so long. The following video tells how TPLF rape and destroy Eritrean refugee camp, and I will invite you to hear this story in Tigrigna in the hope you can understand Tigrigna. Let me hear your perspective from the interview of those alleged refugees themselves.
    ቅትለት ኤርትራውያን ስደተኛታት ኣብ ትግራይ-#MeQalih_Dimtsi_Ertrawyan #ERi_

  • The title of this article ” Mourning the disgrace of Ethiopia and Ethiopians” is curious. strange, to put it succinctly. The author is expressing his deep sorrow(mourning) that Ethiopia and Ethiopians are disgraced because of “the uncritical support many Ethiopians display for the brutal war in Tigray….. .” The author seems to see this war between the Ethiopian people and Tigrayan people, when it is not. The Ethiopian people have no enmity towards their fellow country men in the Tigray region. The Ethiopian people, though, have issues with TPLF , its leadership, and its attempts to reassert it power over Ethiopia. As the author noted, ” the official motive for the war is to enforce law and order in the region,” and if I may add, to decapitate TPLF and eliminate or apprehend its leaders. It is in that sense that it is seen as a law enforcement campaign, it was certainly not a war against Tigrayan people as the author repeatedly seem to allude.

    One thing that no body can deny is that this war was not started by the Ethiopian government. The war started in retaliation for the attack TPLF carried out on the Northern Command Center in Mekelle. On the eve of November 4th, 2020, TPLF defense army attacked the army base and slaughtered Ethiopian soldiers and looted the arsenal. This is what triggered the war. Let’s not forget that the Ethiopian government tried on numerous times prior to the war to reach out to the leaders of TPLF to settle the conflict peacefully, but they were rebuffed by TPLF. To now blame the Ethiopian government and the Ethiopian people for the war and its consequences is I think a biased assessment of what transpired in the Tigray region.

    It’s unfortunate that the brunt of the war fell on the Tigrayan people, in terms of loss of lives, destruction of property, lack of basic needs, etc.. War is evil, no body benefits from war, the best thing is not start it. But once war starts, it is very hard for the warring parties to supervise what each soldier may do. No matter how disciplined the warring armies are and how much the rules of engagements(Geneva war conventions) are inculcated in the minds of the soldiers, there is likely to be atrocities in the form of extrajudicial killings, looting, rape, destruction of property and crops. No war in recorded human history has been executed in a humane way, it’s just the nature of war. One only has to look at what happened in the Vietnam war, both Iraq wars and the War in the Afghanistan. There were all kinds of atrocities contrary to the protocols of the Geneva conventions on war. TPLF is not an innocent organization either when it comes to atrocities of war. One has to just look at the history of their days in the fields of Tigray when they were carrying out their guerilla fight against the Ethiopian military regime where extrajudicial killings and deliberate starvation of its own people by diverting food-aid meant for the people and selling it to buy arms. Moreover, during their 27 years of ruling Ethiopia, there were many instances of violations of the law on human rights and war crimes, one only has to remember TPLF’s crimes in Amhara region, Oromia region, and Somali region. Most of their heinous deeds is documented on video, it can not be denied.

    As to the author’s statement: “We Ethiopians should feel deep shame and outrage over the war unleashed against our fellow citizens”, again, I find this statement strange. I have said earlier that the Ethiopian people have nothing against Tigrayans, we are at war with rogue cliques in TPLF’s organization who are a menace to Ethiopia’s integrity and security and to countries in the horn of Africa. Ethiopians have no shame in standing against TPLF, and will do what ever within its means to eliminate TPLF from Ethiopia’s political scene.

    As to Eritrea’s involvement in the war, I like to give one point briefly as an explanation. it is very common fro nations to go into alliance against a powerful and formidable enemy, we have seen that happen in many instances in history. In the second world war alliances were formed to fight Nazi Germany, Germany also had its alliances. In both Iraq wars, the most powerful nation in the world, the US, formed alliances with some nations to attack Sadam’s dictatorship. Ethiopia’s alliance with Eritrea is no different. As long as both nations agree they have a vested interest in eliminating TPLF because they see it as a threat to their national security, I don’t see why this alliance should be criticized and the alliances of some western nations against Sadam, for example, overlooked. Nations are free to form alliances to fight a war or cooperate in other ways to fulfill their needs. Did some soldiers in the Ethiopian army and the Eritrean army committed acts outside the bounds of the Geneva conventions on war? Yes, the Ethiopian government had admitted and promised that all perpetrators of war crimes will be brought to justice. The Ethiopian government’s announcements has fallen on deaf ears, TPLF supporters and apologists are only interested in propagating their side of the story, insisting on demonizing the Ethiopian government and its people as the main culprits of this war.

    Lastly, even the title of the article is a telltale, the author seems to want to shame the Ethiopian people for “uncritically” supporting this war. Definitely, the Ethiopian people support getting rid of TPLF, and would like to see the Tigray populace abandon their support for the rogue junta, an organization that has failed them consistently throughout its existence. The average Tigrayan has benefited nothing of substance from TPLF, TPLF only cared about benefiting itself.
    It’s sad to see some Tigrayans, I would say most, still cling to TPLF, thinking they are their only savior, even though they got nothing of value from TPLF. What I find dismaying about the majority of Tigrayans is: where were they when TPLF was running rough shod over the Ethiopian people during their rule? In the city I’m in, I remember demonstrating against the evil deeds of the woyane, not a single Tigrayan bothered to support us or remotely criticize TPLF. As a matter of fact, some engaged in physical fights to silence our voices against the oppressive Woyane regime. I pity the author for not seeing the whole picture, I pity the shortsightedness of the whole article in trying to lay the blame for the entire fiasco in Tigray on the Ethiopian people. Very shamefull!!!

    • Response to Bakri Bazara

      A recent comment by Bakri Bazara could be titled “Why Nobody, particularly no Ethiopian, Should Have Any Qualms about the War in Tigray.” The case for this starkly complacent conclusion rests on three highly contentious premises:
      1. The only relevant moral or legal question about the justice of war and its conduct is: who started the war?
      2. Once war breaks out, anything goes.
      3. In war, any alliances or pacts are permissible.
      Let us briefly comment on each of these claims.
      No credible doctrine of just war is addressed solely to the question of who started the war. The causes of the war and the ways it is carried out surely bear on legal and moral judgments about the justice of a war. The case of WWII alone demonstrates that moral and legal judgments about the justice of war are by no means confined to the question of who started it. Hitler’s greatest crimes such as the holocaust have little to do with the question of who initiated or triggered the war. Moreover, the atomic bombings of Japan and indiscriminate Allied air attacks of German cities and their populations are central matters of ethical and legal judgments.
      The view that anything goes once a war breaks out would invite the abolition of much of the body of humanitarian and other international laws of war. One might as well argue that because robbery and murder exist in any society there are no enforceable prohibitions governing the taking of property and life. No international court has held that mass extrajudicial killing, rape, ethnic cleansing and starvation are unavoidable, much less permissible, in warfare.
      The idea that a state can form partnerships and alliances with anyone, provided that such ties help in the defeat of the enemy is surely untenable. No doubt the term “unholy alliance” is sometimes clearly meaningful. More to the point, a state inviting other states to help it combat its domestic adversaries is undeniably rare. When this external state in question is one that bears deep grudges against the population inhabiting the region under attack and is admittedly tyrannical towards its own citizens, the state inviting intervention is thereby, at the very least, willingly abdicating its responsibility to protect its own, and, at worst, entrusting the destiny of its own citizens to their worst enemy.
      The deployment of these hopeless arguments is plainly designed to ease the conscience of Ethiopian support for the war in the face of war crimes that have shocked the world. What is offered as a patriotic stance is more accurately read as an apology for state perpetrated crimes that is commonly called collaboration.

      • Response to Mister Sew’s comments:

        Let me start with the last sentence in your concluding paragraph: ” what is offered as a patriotic stance is more accurately read as an apology for state perpetrated crimes that is commonly called collaboration.”— I have no qualms collaborating with a state that tries to apprehend or eliminate terrorist groups with ambitions of state takeover and control through terrorist acts. TPLF is definitely a terrorist group, their terroristic machinations is evident in all regions of Ethiopia. TPLF was pushed out by a popular uprising, retreated to their region, and for the last three years have been undermining the incumbent government’s reforms and preparing to regain their power by military means. This is the incontrovertible fact. Considering the evil deeds of TPLF during the 27 years of rule in Ethiopia and the last three years in Tigray, I’ve “no qualms” about the way the war was waged to bring into custody or annihilate the criminal leaders of the junta.

        In the prosecution of this “law and order” mission, were there violations of International laws such as crimes against humanity and war crimes? Yes, soldiers on both warring sides may have committed extrajudicial killings, looting, rape, and other acts in violation of the Geneva conventions. It’s currently being investigated by both the Ethiopian government and International organizations. The Ethiopian government had stated that perpetrators of war crimes would be brought to justice.

        As for the statement “once war breaks out, anything goes,” I think you misinterpreted what I said in my brief commentary. All I was trying to say is that in war, more often than not, inhumane acts might be committed by the warring parties. Pick any war you want, past wars or current wars, you’ll find none of them were carried out in a satisfyingly humane way.

        Your other statement: ” the only relevant moral or legal question about the justice of war and its conduct is: who started the war?”—I really don’t want to spend time on this commentary and argue what is just or unjust war. Since time immemorial people have been arguing about that—ancient times to present. I’ll simply say this: when you’re attacked, you’ve the right to defend yourself. TPLF attacked, Ethiopian government defended itself and is going after the leadership of TPLF who orchestrated this attack.

        The statement you made: ” the idea that a state can form partnership and alliances with anyone, provided that such ties help in the defeat of the enemy is surely untenable.”—It’s quiet defensible. Both Ethiopia and Eritrea have a vested interest in protecting their national interests and security. In this case, Ethiopia was attacked, responded to defend itself. So as Eritrea, Eritrea’s security was threatened by TPLF’s missile attacks on civilian areas, Eritrea had to defend itself. Both Ethiopia and Eritrea have an overarching interest in securing their territories and regions beyond.

        Finally, your statement ” a state inviting other states to help it combat its domestic adversaries is undeniably rare.” —- Well, let’s look at what’s happening in Yemen, a stone’s throw away from Tigray. Aren’t the Saudis and Emiratis supporting one faction against another. Both factions are of the same country. Hadi’s government solicited the support of the Saudis to regain their power from the Huthis.
        In Tigray’s case, I think I said it clearly that the Ethiopian people have nothing against the Tigray people. We’re forced into this war because we were attacked, and we’re pursuing the attackers to bring them to justice, and if they resist, eliminate them. This is the reality of the situation in the Tigray region.

  • 75% of civilian deaths in Nazi Germany occured in the last 8 months of the second world war. Why? Because Nazis refused to surrender even though the war for all practical purposes has been lost. If they really cared about the German people they would have unconditionally surrendered and spared the people. But they did not. They cared about the German people so long as the people could be useful to achieve their sinister goals.

    I do see similarity with TPLF. TPLF initiated the military conflagaration by attacking Army units stationed within Tigrai. Initially they were successful. After the intial shock the Ethiopian army supported by friendly forces mounted ferocious counter attack and within three weeks it is in full control of all cities in Tigrai region.

    At this moment if TPLF cared about the people of Tigrai it would surrender uncoditionally. But it did not. Intead it went on a delusional plan to get back to the jungle like yester year. Imaging doing this while surrounded on all side by hostile forces in the 21st century.

    To make matters worse so called elites of Tigrai are still supporting TPLF and its battle-field defeated narratives giving TPLF henchmen a few extra doses of oxygen. In the mean time Tigrai continues to be turned into a waste land.

    The question posed for Ethiopians is crystalized into two options: support federal government or support the narrative propgated by TPLF supporters. Most people will pick federal government given this choice. Meanwhile everyday TPLF refuses to give up Tigrai is setback by deacades. What a pity.

  • Indeed, we ( Ethiopians minus Amara ) must stand in solidarity with the ordinary people of Tigray. Well put. Thanks.

    As to the AMARA, I say, be aware. In the long run, you will suffer most as you are in every men’s land! Colonialism of other people is long gone in today’s world. What you sowing today you will surely reap soon!

    As to Abiy, if he is not from you ( I very much suspect ), I don’t know what to make of him – an insane perusing a sooth- sayer mom’s mumblings. He will be dismissed from history soon.

    A long marginalized Ethiopian

  • Any loss of life or property is regrettable. However, the more regrettable matter is the dishonesty (as displayed by the author of this piece) and the racism involved. The Amhara people have been on the receiving end of this tragedy since TPLF came to power and promoted the idea that the Amhara were bad for the country. As the Amharas were evicted from their properties at different parts of the country, the TPLF leadership was mocking them claiming that it is their fault to live somewhere which is not their region(even though the country is Ethiopia). Look what is happening now! Those who were laughing and mocking are now crying because they too were forced to share the same fate!
    You already have hardened the hearts of Ethiopians and you can not blame them for not showing sympathy. Now they find themselves where you were three years ago!
    So, Learn. Stop race in politics. Embrace the idea of humanity and the need for protecting all humans irrespective of their race. That is what our Tigrayan brothers and sisters have to learn.

    • “ Stop race in politics “ what a naïve!

      We are in Ethiopia – the center of race and ethnicities. You are Amara and I am whom I am. I stand for the rights of my people. It is ok with us to live with you as an equal Ethiopians – under a true federal system. I know you don’t agree with this, because you can not live with me as your equal!

      I see you hiding behind Madamar nonsense and I know your real intention – to put me back under your boot again!

      I can’t accept that. What will be the solution? Shouldn’t you stop the genocide on Tigre people so we can talk?

      Long marginalized ethiopian

  • A deliberate tragedy in Ethiopia – Tigray betrayed, Tigray marked for a vengeful and wanton death and destruction. Abiy used his tanks and bombs, and Abiy gave Isaias and Amhara militias a free hand. Isaias’ troops and their unspeakable atrocities so horrified diaspora Eritrean women that they raised their voices, a graceful act, and issued a public statement by saying: “not in our name”. Amhara militias did the predictable thing – ethnic cleansing of western Tigray by terrorizing over 60,000 Tigray people to flee to the Sudan as refugees. And so, yes, mourning the disgrace of Ethiopia, the scope of the atrocities, the willful acts to inflict suffering on the people of Tigray, puts Ethiopia along with other places of such infamy: Rwanda, Darfur, and elsewhere.

    • Well, blame TPLF for introducing race-based politics and for disaffecting the Amhara. People remember the relentless eviction, persecution, and murder of the Amhara because TPLF drew them as the boogeyman of the country. Enduring such misfortune for 27 years is not easy. What is extremely ugly and dispecable about your comment is that you are too narrow! You say Tigray! Tigray!….. Where were you when the Gedeo, Somali, Oromo, Amhara, Wolayta suffered violence which your people help to foment? Perhaps you need to test how it feels so that you would have sympathy in the future when other people are subjected to the same “tragedy” you are crying about

      • Ethnic based federalism was a political settlement to the ethnic based civil war in Ethiopia in the 1970’s and 80’s – ELF, TPLF, OLF, ONLF, and others. Isaias, Ethiopia’s current darling, was actually the first of the ethno-nationalists who had concluded that being Eritrean was incompatable with being Ethiopian, so Isaias led ethnic-based civil war on Ethiopia and gained Eritrea’s secession. when TPLF had a leading role for 27 years, Ethiopia was stabilized and focused on economic development. There were inter-ethnic deadly clashes and displacements caused by violent individuals and groups with their own ethnic intolerence and fanatic behavior, a recurring sociological and political dilemma in Ethiopia and elsewhere. To say that TPLF helped to foment such clashes is a fraudulent assertion, but you find it useful and convenient to maintain an endless blame and animosity against TPLF. What is happening in Tigray is an organized state-sponsored war with all the venom of tribal and political vengence and willful atrocities.

        • Not true at all. You are emotional to write your comments. Putting a cart before a horse. Your allegations are not on fact-based evidence. You are part and parcel of TPLF pathological liars’ agenda for misinformation and fake news.

  • This war on the Tigrayan people and particularly the Tigrayan woman is a disgrace to Lucy: our human ancestor. The modern nation-states, which are prosecuting this ugly war are a stain on her legacy.

  • Blaming Amharas for all problems in Ethiopia won’t change anything.. and if Ethiopia comes to an end Amhara elites are the last one to take the responsibility as they use to say Ethiopia Ethiopia and no one listen but now they are all about Amhara as all others are all about their own ethnicity

    • Yes. Blaming for the past is not useful. That is why we forgave the amhara for thier past atrocities. But what is unforgaveable is thier on-going naked trick of hiding behind the non-sense Madamar stuff in order to return the rest of Ethiopians to thier heister day amaraization and hence thier superiority.

  • I mostly agree with the views in this writing, I appreciate the clarity and eloquence of the content. However, as an Ethiopian I feel it is too late to dis-estrange the feelings and opinions of Tigreans at this moment in time for they have sufferers time and long enough without any of prominent individuals nor institutions, not even religious institutions or individuals showing any solidarity or remorse or sharing of pain whatsoever.

  • The Amhara elite are gone crazy for power. That is power to impoverish, disempower, and enslave others. They openly praise the past murderous campaigns of emperor Menelik against the peoples of Ethiopia. This week they killed so many farmers and burned their houses in the Oromia zone in the Amhara region. They burnt schools and demolished a key bridge that is important for local trade and development. The armed Amhara group that is leading this carnage openly calls itself the Menelik Brigade. There was time when some progressive Amhara elite understood the oppression suffered by non Amharas in Ethiopia. Today not a single Amhara is speaking against the atrocities committed against the Tigreans and Oromos. Instead a fascist like ideology is taking root in Amhara political community. If Ethiopia comes to an end most of the responsibility lies with the Amhara elite.

    • Don’t you get tired of saying ‘Amhara this, Amhara that’? Are you speaking out against the atrocities being committed against innocent Amhara people as well? Try to take some personal responsibility before assigning all blame to some mythical Amhara brigade.

      • No. They were defending themselves then and they are defending themselves now.

        An ethiopian from the long marginalized

    • Doesn’t the following explain them ( amara-elites ) well?

      The great enemy of truth is very often not the lie–deliberate, contrived and dishonest–but the myth–persistent, persuasive, and unrealistic. Too often we hold fast to the clichés of our forebears. We subject all facts to a prefabricated set of interpretations. We enjoy the comfort of opinion without the discomfort of thought.” – John F. Kennedy (Commencement address, Yale University, New Haven, Connecticut, June 11, 1962) .

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