Viewpoint

Adwa is not the only oppressive Ethiopian myth

Just like the narrative of the Battle of Adwa, Ethiopianism is imposed

In March, Ethiopia once again commemorated the Battle of Adwa—a moment enshrined in national mythology as the defining symbol of Ethiopian nationhood. But as Ethiopia teeters on the edge of another potential war, it is worth asking: What exactly are we celebrating? Whose victory was it? And more importantly, how is our perception of Adwa continuing to influence our future?

The conventional narrative casts Adwa as a decisive triumph of a united African nation resisting European imperialism. But this romanticized myth obscures a harsher truth: victory at Adwa did not spare the subject peoples of the south from oppression and violence.

From the vantage point of the conquered south, Menelik II’s war with Italy bore little moral distinction from Italy’s ambitions. At Adwa, an indigenous military entrepreneur merely sought to fend off a European colonial power—not to liberate the people he had recently subjugated and forcibly annexed into his growing empire, but to subject them to himself.

Menelik’s campaign against Italy was not an act of pan-African solidarity—it was the assertion of a newly formed imperial state seeking to defend its expanding territorial claims. The southern peoples—Oromo, Sidama, Somali, and others—were neither represented nor liberated by Adwa’s outcome.

Thus, for the Oromo and other peoples of the south, the celebration of Adwa evokes not triumph but betrayal, not liberation but the tightening grip of a different empire: the Ethiopian one.

Far from being the birth of African nationalism, Adwa was the consolidation of a settler empire built by the blood and labor of the Oromo and other subjugated peoples. The resulting myth of a unified Ethiopia forged in the crucible of resistance has only served to entrench structural oppression and violence, as well as silence the historical memory of those who suffered under imperial conquest.

Imperial Revival

Fast forward to the present, and Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed’s doctrine of Medemer (synergy) revives the Adwa myth as the foundation of a unifying national identity.

Yet beneath its language of unity, Medemer is a political technology for the psychological and cultural assimilation of the Oromo people—an attempt to resurrect a dying empire by placing it on a new horse: the Oromo.

The irony is chilling. The Oromo, long the empire’s most defiant demographic, are now being weaponized as the new custodians of a decaying imperial structure they never consented to. The goal is twofold: eliminate the Oromo as a threat by erasing their collective identity, and repurpose them as the unwitting carriers of Ethiopianism. This isn’t national unity—it’s a state-sponsored cultural lobotomy.

Despite his Oromo ancestry, Abiy’s administration functions as a machine of assimilation, relentlessly working to dismantle the sociopolitical and cultural frameworks that define Oromo identity. Education has become the primary tool for the erasure of historical memory. The regime’s new curricula aim to overwrite Oromo historical consciousness and replace it with a sanitized national narrative.

The Minister of Education, Birhanu Nega, is not building minds—he is engineering memory, ensuring Abiy’s will becomes the Oromo people’s own self-conception. In this, the Oromo are being primed for what Hegel called “unhappy consciousness”—a self divided against itself, alienated from its origins, disarmed by deception.

Consumerism Weaponized

Assimilation isn’t occurring through ideology alone. It is being incentivized through consumerism and enforced through violence. Abiy’s regime seduces the Oromo with economic promises—access to markets and jobs—insisting that now, with nominal “freedom” attained, they must forget identity and focus solely on material progress. Development is dangled as a substitute for self-determination.

A market-centered Oromo is encouraged to view himself not as a member of a nation but as an isolated consumer—a “possessive individualist” whose purpose is to grow GDP, not preserve culture.

When material seduction fails, physical and psychological violence follows. Since 2018, Abiy’s regime has systematically targeted Oromo artists, activists, and elders. From the assassination of cultural icon Hachalu Hundessa to the murder of political leader Bate Urgessa, the message is clear: Oromo resistance, even in cultural form, is a punishable offense.

Perhaps most chillingly, the regime carried out the execution of Karrayyu Gadaa leaders—custodians of a living democratic tradition recognized by UNESCO. Their crime? Leading the Haaromsa Gadaa, the Gadaa Renaissance—a revival of Oromo self-governance that threatened the imperial status quo.

Redacted Identity

Through this campaign, Abiy is attempting to transform the Oromo from a nation into a linguistic mass. The richness of Oromo civilization—its Gadaa system, its philosophical anthropology, its democratic politics—is being erased, leaving only a functional language group whose future lies in obedient economic productivity.

Abiy is trying to produce a self-negating Oromo—one who builds the empire that has been erasing the memory of his ancestors and heritage of freedom and independence.

His supposed Oromo identity is irrelevant.

The Prime Minister’s Oromo background has no historical importance in current Ethiopian politics. Abiy has shown no solidarity with Oromo aspirations for justice, freedom, and historical reckoning.

Instead, he exploits his ancestry to silence resistance and give cover to a deeply assimilationist project. Besides, the essence of self-rule has less to do with bio-genetics than with electing the right persons and controlling government activities. Nominal self-rule without freedom is oppression in another name—but with familiar faces.

Oppressive Unity

The justification for all this—education reform, economic carrot-and-stick, cultural annihilation—is “Ethiopian unity.” But unity built on the bones of erased cultures and civilizations is not moral—it is imperial.

Ethiopia’s rulers do not seek a common civic space but an immutable national order built in their own image—one that privileges Amharic culture and Christian highland memory while marginalizing all others.

Even now, Amharic remains the sole national language and cultural currency of the state. While the Oromo language and Gadaa system are celebrated in international forums, inside Ethiopia, they are targeted for extinction. This contradiction reveals the duplicity of the Ethiopian nation-building project: heritage is good for optics, not for politics.

In truth, Ethiopia is not a nation but a project—unfinished, imposed, and resisted. Its perennial instability, its fractured politics, and its repeated cycles of violence are symptoms of a state that refuses to deal with its past and confront the diversity within its borders. Unity cannot be forged by manipulating history or enforcing monoculture. Democratic commons arise not by erasing difference, but by protecting it.

Resistance Imperative

The Oromo people have naturally refused to be molded into abstractions or sacrificial labor for an empire in decay. They are resisting the Ethiopian project of memory erasure and assimilation. Resistance, in this context, is not rebellion—it is a moral act of preservation, a declaration that a people cannot be transformed into tools without consent.

The Oromo question remains the Ethiopian question. Until Ethiopia learns to live with difference rather than destroy it, the celebration of Adwa will remain hollow—a tale of sovereignty built on the silence of indigeneity. And today, as yesterday, the Oromo refuse to be silent.

Re-examining the legacy of Adwa is particularly relevant as Ethiopia appears to be gearing up for another imperial-style confrontation—seeking regional dominance in the Horn of Africa and strategic influence over the Red Sea.

This ambition, in part, masks deep internal fractures—civil war in Oromia, insurgency in Amhara, and unresolved tensions in Tigray—by invoking the unifying mythos of external war. There is more than one way of forming a political community; there are other, less costly ways of mobilizing people for a common cause than war.

To avoid repeating history’s bloodshed under the guise of national pride, Ethiopia must exorcise the militarized spirit of Adwa and instead pursue a path rooted in mutual consent, justice, and shared human values.

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While this commentary contains the author’s opinions, Ethiopia Insight will correct factual errors.

Published under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence. You may not use the material for commercial purposes.

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About the author

Tarfassa W. Barooddee

Tarfassa is a self-employed Oromo national with degrees in political science, finance, and law. He lives in North America and closely follows events in Oromia and Ethiopia.

33 Comments

  • Adwa in 1896 was a success, but it is hyped to convey the narrative that Ethiopia was never colonized. When in fact Italy had occupied and held Ethiopia as an Italian colony 1936 – 41. Ethiopia regained its independence when the British drove Italy out of Ethiopia during WW2. A brief clarification of history.

    Contemporary Ethiopia has descended from being an anchor state in the Horn of Africa, to a country beset by recurring conflict and violent tribal animosity.

  • Tired, cliched, and mindless chatter by a history denier. Listen up, defeating Fascist Italy would not have happened without the Oromoo. The Oromoo have done more damage to their own folk than Menelik ever did. We’ve had petty fascists and feudalists within every group. Relax.

  • This Article rotates about Ethiopian victory over colonialism and the Author suggested us (Ethiopian )to Re Examine colonialism.
    What a Shame!!!!

  • A very ugly narrative downsizing the Great Adwa War by the so called arrogant,stupid,mercenaries that stood against the VICTORY.

  • There is so much ignorance in this man’s writing its astounding. The fact that you live in 2025 geo political times and want to continue to smear your brother as an “opressor” must take a special kind of…confoundedness.
    It’s not that I expect profundity, it’s that Africans deserve better than this sort of inner quabling pettiness in the presence of excellence.
    Its not arguable by any means as to the magnitude and wonderful phenomenon of the victory at Adowa.
    There is a worldwide consensus as to the immensity of the victory for Africa…. and for Christians.

  • You cannot take away Adua from Black victory by calling it a myth. History has recorded that and your attempt to deny that places you on the list of paid subservient who fought on the side of colonial aggressors.
    Like it or not Ethiopia will out live your current glory as herded into your position by subversive institutions like the CIA .
    As an individual I forgive your ignorance, but still hold you responsible for lying on paper, a medium open to the innocent children that may not have access to the historic feats Ethiopians went through in order to place Ethiopia at the top in the annals of human history.

  • This individual clearly lacks a proper understanding of Ethiopian history. His essay is filled with bias, resentment, and seems to be driven by ethnic grievances and a deep sense of inferiority. He would benefit from approaching history with objectivity rather than personal bitterness. One has to wonder about the credibility of his academic background—perhaps his doctorate came from the fictional “Zumba Empire University.”

    Let it be clear: the victory of Adwa is a triumph for all Ethiopians, regardless of ethnicity. It symbolizes national unity and resistance against colonialism—a legacy that should unite, not divide us.

  • What a sad moment for the author, you cannot recognize the victory of his ancestry, which included a lot of Oromia fighters. Maybe the author has no roots. My dad was half of Oromo and fluent in both languages and talks with pride of his Ethiopian nationalism. He also worked very hard for the battle of the second Italian invasion. He regretted that he was not alive to fight in Adwa. My Oromo grandmother was arbeghn, without a doubt, if she was alive, you would not be talking the nonsense. The author may have degrees, but no common sense.. sad. He has no roots and he’s trying to find a nitch so he could be legitimized.

  • 1. This article completely fails to mention that Oromos were a big part of Adwa victory and the society there after, albeit some adopted Amharic names and most spoke Amharic.

    2. the idea of judging early 19th century empire through the lens of 21st century standards of human rights is very wrong. the current government and opposition groups are no where near meeting 21st century standards of human rights (to put it very mildly).

  • Tarfassa, why not go back to Ethiopia and advocate for the peoples of Ethiopia, the Oromos included, or are you pushing for Oromio as a separate country? So comfortable in the States that you dare denigrate the Adwa victory while implying that the Oromos did not play a major role in defeating the Italians, not once but twice.

  • A useless divisive and baised article.
    Adwa is a victory of every ethiopian nations and nationalities.

    • Why did your parents name you Tewodros (Theodore)?

      This type of European colonization should not be possible if Adwa was such a victory as you claim.

  • Wow; Africa can now divide itself into 1001 nationstates ( tribal homelands) so that we can revert to the way we were before the white man and the Arab came. We will all be so fulfilled. No? Eritrea must be so high in the HDI that it got all the coastline. As are Somalia and Sudan.

  • I don’t know when will you be satisfied. In my opinion the Author’s fight with the current leading party is just to be entitled to kill Ethiopians. The author is like ” I and my party OLF wanted to kill other tribes like Amhara , Gurage and Tigre but PP is not allowing us to do it and they are doing it by themselves at least let’s join PP on the killings ” You guys are unbelievable how can one fight to commit genocide? Any way let’s forget Adwa and discuss about you guys pre 1522 if you don’t want to be part of Ethiopia then go back to where you started on 1522 (Borena) you can have your own capital City as Yabelo then let the other Ethiopians leave peacefully. Please read about the Oromo migration on Wikipedia.

  • Yes I support the preservation of the Oromo culture language and tradition and Oromo language must the official language of so called Ethiopia the Amhara people were always collaborating with western imperialism against their African neighbours this must be stopped.

  • This must be an article from 1975 not 2025! I am sure this guy must have left in 1975 and never been to Ethiopia.

  • Such an insightfull article and a novice perspective on current issues of Oromia, kudo to you Baroode

      • Correction: Thank you for the kind words. The comment reflects your in-depth understanding of the Oromo history as well as your ability to provide a comparative analysis on the subject.

  • It is the Oromos who invaded the Amhara land, not the other way round. Some Oromo extremists believe propagating this false narrative will change the truth. No way. Menilik reconquer back his ancestral land from the invaders.

    • No one believes your lies anymore.

      First of all, Menelik (Sahle) was from the Southern region, then he claimed to be Shewa “Amhara” by using the fake King Solomon fairytale. Secondly, “Amharas” and “Oromos” both invaded the Central and Southern land. Last but not least, the “Ethiopian” identity was stolen from the people in the North and now you try to apply it to all the Nations and Nationalities of modern-day “Ethiopia” and that is why we have been fighting each other for so many decades.

      #SahleWasHadiya
      #SahleWasKembata
      #SahleWasSidama

  • This is a powerful and thought-provoking piece that courageously challenges dominant historical narratives. It offers a deeply needed perspective on Adwa and Ethiopian identity, grounded in justice, memory, and the lived experiences of marginalized peoples.

  • Your name says it, ‘Terra fesse’. I can’t even finish this nonsense article. I often have lots of room for different point of views but this one? Trash, immature and immoral as well as embarrassing and emotional.
    My advise to my my fellow human being is take a good rest, go vacation, seek some help from your close ones, seek neurologist help, then speed some time in well recognized libraries , read research articles…. then you wake up from your amnesia, I hope, and most importantly I pray for you.
    Your Oromo friend from the South.

    • Thank you for your comment from the south.’ As the saying goes, ‘ye tolo tolo bet, …!’

  • Tarfassa W. Barooddee brings a deeply informed and courageous perspective to Ethiopian political discourse. His academic grounding in political science, finance, and law, combined with his lived experience as an Oromo national in the diaspora, allows him to critically interrogate dominant narratives with clarity and conviction. By centering marginalized voices—especially those of the Oromo and other southern peoples—he challenges the status quo and demands a more honest reckoning with Ethiopia’s past and present. His work is both a valuable scholarly contribution and a powerful act of resistance rooted in justice, identity, and historical truth.

  • This thought-provoking article by Tarfassa W. Barooddee offers a bold and critical reinterpretation of one of Ethiopia’s most celebrated historical events—the Battle of Adwa—by highlighting the often-silenced experiences of southern Ethiopian peoples, particularly the Oromo. It challenges the romanticized national mythology surrounding Adwa and Ethiopianism, arguing that both have historically served as tools of internal colonization rather than symbols of collective liberation.

    Here are some reflections and comments on the piece:

    1.Deconstructing National Mythology
    The article does an effective job of deconstructing the popular narrative that Adwa was a moment of unified African resistance. Instead, it presents it as a consolidation of a settler empire under Menelik II, built on the subjugation of southern peoples. This counters dominant historiography and invites deeper critical engagement with how national myths are formed and who they exclude.

    2.Ethiopianism as an Assimilative Project
    The argument that Ethiopianism—and more recently, Abiy Ahmed’s Medemer doctrine—operates as an imperial ideology disguised as national unity is compelling and well-supported. The critique that the Oromo are being co-opted into sustaining a system that historically oppressed them is especially powerful, raising questions about authenticity, agency, and identity in contemporary Ethiopian politics.

    3.Cultural and Historical Erasure
    The emphasis on cultural assimilation, especially through educational reforms and the marginalization of Oromo heritage (like the Gadaa system), exposes the subtle and systematic nature of cultural erasure. The analogy of a “state-sponsored cultural lobotomy” is a striking and evocative metaphor that underscores the severity of the issue.

    4. Contemporary Political Implications
    By linking the past to present-day conflicts and Ethiopia’s geopolitical ambitions, the article situates the legacy of Adwa within the broader framework of authoritarian nationalism and regional hegemony. It rightly questions whether this militarized legacy can serve as a foundation for lasting peace and democracy.

    5. Call for a New Political Ethos
    The conclusion is both sobering and hopeful. It recognizes the persistent resistance of the Oromo and suggests that a truly inclusive and democratic Ethiopia can only emerge by honoring diversity rather than erasing it.

    In summary, this is a courageous and intellectually rigorous critique of historical and current Ethiopian state-building narratives. It urges readers to rethink what national pride, unity, and history truly mean—and at what cost they are constructed. It contributes meaningfully to ongoing debates about identity, power, and memory in the Horn of Africa.

    • Very generous. Thank you! The last paragraph of your comment states more clearly the reasoning of the essay than I actually was able to do. Thank you for the contribution.

  • Ethiopian victory over colonizers since 1880s to 1890s , made many ethic focused individuals who have gone abroad and settled their for personal gain made them unable to belive Ethiopia has a 3000 years civilization .

    The victory of Ethiopia caused them to lose their ablity to see Ethiopian histoy is 150 years of Age
    This is where their stupidity began.

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