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In a nation haunted by its history, memory binds the present and blinds the future
Ethiopia’s core challenge isn’t merely chronic poverty or political instability; it is a national obsession with time.
This dangerous, largely invisible force quietly undermines every attempt at progress. The past (ድሮ), the present (ዘንድሮ), and the future (ከርሞ) are not just points on a timeline, they have been contested terrains of memory, imagination, and power. We don’t simply live through time, we politicize it, weaponize it, and often drown in it.
This is Ethiopia’s politics of time.
This isn’t an abstraction. It plays out daily—in the streets, in parliament, in public services, in the everyday interactions of millions. The trauma or nostalgia isn’t just historical. It’s ongoing. And until Ethiopia breaks this cycle of temporal dysfunction, it will keep bleeding in loops.
The Weaponized Past (ድሮ)
In Ethiopia, ድሮ looms with contradictory forces. It inspires pride, rooted in sovereignty, cultural depth, and ancestral resilience, but also carries the heavy scent of famine, invasion, civil war, and state repression and cultural assimilation. The past isn’t settled; it aches.
Psychologically, this resembles a state of collective melancholia. Unlike mourning, which metabolizes loss, melancholia fuses us to what’s gone. Ethiopia’s lost objects aren’t only material (land, lives, stability) but also imagined: golden eras, unity myths, vanished moral figures and oppressed cultural groups. These haunt public consciousness, animating political rhetoric and deepening factional divides.
Leaders reach into history not to learn from it, but to weaponize it. Selective memory becomes a political strategy. One group’s hero is another’s tyrant. One region’s tragedy is another’s triumph. One group’s nostalgia is another’s trauma. In this terrain, policymaking becomes less about building the future than settling historical scores.
As a result, governance stalls. National debates orbit around restitution, not emergence. Constitutional disputes, federal arrangements, and cultural claims become contests over whose history is legitimate. Urgent present-day crises like population growth, unemployment or ecological collapse are displaced by quarrels over memory.
This preoccupation with ድሮ fractures trust. Every reform becomes suspect, a potential rewriting of the past. Transitions in power don’t mark new beginnings; they reopen old wounds. Long-term strategies are undermined by short-term political vengeance or expediencies.
This dynamic fits exactly what Reinhart Koselleck warned of: history used not to understand the present, but to dominate it. In Ethiopia, memory is not collective. It is competitive.
Achille Mbembe’s work suggests that countries with fractured temporalities and unresolved historical traumas—even those like Ethiopia, which largely avoided direct colonial rule—can become caught in a kind of time-warp, making the future impossible to envision. In such contexts, the past remains politically potent, not as a source of wisdom but as a site of conflict. Its weaponization inhibits healing, obstructs progress, and perpetuates instability.
So long as ድሮ is grasped more tightly than today and tomorrow, Ethiopia will remain trapped in cycles of retribution, unable to chart a shared future.
The Resigned Present (ዘንድሮ)
The burden of the past bleeds into the present. ዘንድሮ for many is experienced less as a moment to act, and more as something to endure. This isn’t just hardship, it’s a quiet surrender, woven into language, habit, and daily life.
Sayings like “ምን ይደረጋል” (“What can be done?”) or “የዘንድሮ አያልቅም ተነግሮ” (“The problems of this year are endless”) reflect a posture of fatalism. They turn pain into permanence and difficulty into inevitability. This attitude isn’t apolitical; it’s profoundly political, shaping how power operates.
When citizens accept the present with resignation, governments face little pressure. Public engagement collapses into a state of inertia. The bureaucracy mirrors the street: apathetic, inert, suspicious of change. Symbolic policies take the place of real reform. Grand announcements mask minor efforts. Cycles of disappointment fuel cycles of disillusionment.
This apathy isn’t benign. It creates a vacuum where accountability dies and corruption thrives. It allows leaders to rule unchallenged and bureaucracies to decay unrepaired. Even well-intentioned efforts are stifled by disbelief.
When expectations shrink, so does possibility. Frustration simmers until it explodes. With no faith in slow reform, grievances bypass peaceful channels and turn violent. The stillness of ዘንድሮ isn’t peace; it’s pressure waiting to erupt.
The Feared Future (ከርሞ)
ከርሞ, the future, isn’t anticipated in Ethiopia; it is feared. The dominant sentiment isn’t hope but hesitation. The proverb “ከማያውቁት መልአክ የሚያውቁት ሰይጣን ይሻል” (“Better the devil you know than the angel you don’t”) encapsulates a collective suspicion of change.
In this mindset, the unknown isn’t a frontier; it’s a threat. Long-term thinking seems naive. Investment in institutions, climate strategy, or youth development appears pointless. Why plant for a harvest you’ll never see?
Fatalistic expressions like “ሺህ ዓመት አይኖር” (“We won’t live a thousand years”) or “የት ሊደረስ ነው” (“Where could it even go?”) sap the will to plan. The future becomes a black box: too opaque to trust, too dangerous to approach. It’s better to manage the now than to build what might be destroyed.
This fear filters into politics. Leaders prioritize short-term optics, not long-term outcomes. Visible wins replace invisible groundwork. Policies with slow returns (education, environmental protection, institutional reform) are sidelined for projects that photograph well and decay fast.
This narrow horizon renders the nation vulnerable. Climate shocks, demographic surges, and regional instability go unaddressed, not for lack of knowledge but for lack of political nerve. The refusal to plan isn’t passive; it’s a form of risk aversion with real costs.
Without a vision for ከርሞ, Ethiopia stumbles into each crisis unprepared. The future punishes those who fear it.
Time Reclaimed
Ethiopia’s crisis cannot be explained by ethnic division or weak institutions alone. Beneath these visible fractures lies a deeper temporal disorder, a fractured relationship with time itself. This politics of time defines how leaders govern, how citizens engage, and how the nation imagines its future.
When ድሮ is glorified and lamented, conflict festers. When ዘንድሮ is endured rather than shaped, governance stagnates. When ከርሞ is feared, bold decisions of long-term outcomes are deferred, and profound transformation is postponed indefinitely.
These aren’t abstract patterns. They are lived realities, shaping political choices and public sentiment. Breaking this cycle demands more than policy; it requires a shift in temporal consciousness. A past remembered but not re-enacted. A present reclaimed through agency and accountability. A future imagined not as a threat but as a shared possibility.
To move forward, Ethiopia must first step outside the grip of its temporal paralysis. Only by reframing its relationship with time (emotionally, politically, and imaginatively) can it chart a path toward genuine peace and enduring renewal.
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While this commentary contains the author’s opinions, Ethiopia Insight will correct factual errors.

Published under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence. You may not use the material for commercial purposes.

Questions to think about :
1. Is attachment with the past unique to Ethiopia?
2. Is the future (progress) apolitical?
3. If we see wisdom in concepts like Sankofa, isn’t making sense of the past the responsibility of thinkers?
4. Can we see time in its pure form (without thinking of culture, religion, landscape, language etc.)?
5. If the concept of time cannot be dissociated form the above, do you think Ethiopia is going back in time far and deep enough? And do you think the (symbolic-i.e. progress, urbanization, westernization etc.) future is promising enough in this regard?
There are more than 50 ethnic groups, in kenya , south Sudan, Sudan……..In all African part 0f countries .
Eritrea is a good example there are more than 9 ethnic groups .
What do You mean Ethiopia is a collective of ethnic groups?
This essay presents a profile of Ethiopia as a nation in a state of confusion, beset by endemic poverty and recurring warfare. Missing from the essay is this: that Ethiopia is essentially a collection of ethnic groups, and this gave rise to the inevitable political awakening and uprising in the form of liberation movements. The outcome was ethnic federalism seen as TPLF project, when in fact it was a logical and pragmatic political settlement at that time to hold the country together.
TPLF became the image and ardent supporter of federalism. This led to Abiy’s and Amharas military campaign against TPLF which in turn degenerated into the war on Tigray, with all its medieval atrocities. In addition to the idea of federalism, history will also note that the celebration of GERD as an economic project is a TPLF legacy.
niminital
, why don’t tell to Other African countries each African states have more ethnic groups than Ethiopia.
Just to inform you, Siyum Mesfin advised south Sudan to form ethnic based government and from that day civil war started and thousands killed . Your stupidly is enormous.
Dsdd, your impetuous comment reflects your ignorance. What happened in Ethiopia was uncommon: various and almost simultaneous ethnic uprising that overwhelmed the country. The Oromos established a defined name and cultural identity for themselves, and they even chose the Latin alphabet for their language. TPLF did not tell them to do that. And I doubt that you can get the Ogaden Somalis to give up their identity, give up the name Somali for their region, and call it a generic name such as eastern region. Read and learn a political writing called “On the Question of Nationalities”.
Thank you, Dr. Daniel, for your brilliant and timely analysis.
Your framing of Ethiopia’s temporal entrapment, caught between a weaponized past, a resigned present, and a feared future, resonates deeply. The insight that we have politicized time itself, and made memory a battleground, is both poignant and painfully accurate.
Reading your piece, I couldn’t help but reflect on my own personal grappling with this same national time-wrap.
We were conditioned, almost condemned, to fear the future, and perhaps not without reason. Time and again, every promise of progress has been followed by an even greater unraveling. Optimism has become a luxury few can afford.
I think back to the Derg years, when my generation witnessed the Red and White Terrors sweep across our nation like fire, decimating an entire class of thinkers, students, and future leaders. The trauma still hangs in the air like smog. The best among us were buried with no gravestones, no justice, and no closure.
Then came the era of ethnic federalism. What was framed as a democratizing shift turned into a politics of difference and division. Entire communities felt alienated in their own country. We started introducing ourselves not as Ethiopians, but as fragments. Old friends became wary strangers, and bitterness festered beneath thin layers of civility.
And now, even as the current system claimed to have learned from those mistakes, admitting the state was once a perpetrator of terror, promised the rule of law and reconciliation, we find ourselves in a darker chapter. Whole cities have burned. Villages razed. The death toll piled up. The displaced counted in millions, surpassing even Syria at one point. Violence, once sporadic, now became systemic and routine.
Under such conditions, isn’t longing for the past the only rational emotional refuge? What else can the soul cling to when the future seems like a corridor of horror, and the present offers only anxiety?
Before Ethiopia can even begin to imagine a new future, perhaps we must first earn the right to dream again, by granting the nation some measure of rest, some taste of stability. A period where rule of law means more than rhetoric, where reforms aren’t traps, where everyday life is not a gamble with survival.
Only after such a pause, of healing, of reflection, of hope, can we hope to shift our relationship with time, and finally chart a better path ahead.
I hope we will be there.
Ethiopia didn’t hold by none spiritual paralysis, it is rather by ethnically motivated individuals and leftovers of the out side world
This is the best article I ever read on Ethiopian politics and the explanation of the reason why we are where we are as a society.
The Articles gave me unique and different dimension to see our country mess. I said wow. thanks
In case of Ethiopia and many African countries , when we say the government,
explicitly, we are saying the perseption of the groups which led the country. If their perseption is negative about their country, it led to instability, corruption……..
In our country, it was secessionist groups which fought the socialist government for the last 17 years, that drafted and Ratified ethnic based constitution .
after they won the gorilla war ,they deported the government and the social structure, based
Their perseption.
Their perseption was ;Ethiopia is a colonizar and ethnically oppressed society and many others .the initial problem of my country started here.