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Despite talk of reform and resilience, the country’s fate is shaped far beyond its borders.
In 2018, as Ethiopia entered a new chapter with the rise of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, he made a striking remark: “A poor country has no sovereignty.” At the time, many dismissed it as a throwaway line. But in hindsight, it was more revealing than we realized. It wasn’t just an observation—it was a warning.
The dominant narrative has long been that Abiy’s ascent was driven by the Oromo youth movement (Qeerroo) and Amhara Fano militias—forces that galvanized enough pressure to shake the foundations of TPLF-led EPRDF rule. It credits the “power of the people” with toppling a powerful elite.
But for those paying closer attention, that version of events feels incomplete.
If the TPLF truly held military and economic dominance—as it did for nearly three decades—why did it relinquish federal power without triggering a full-scale civil war? Ethiopia was fragile. Inflation was rising. The economy had faltered after the death of Meles Zenawi. And the TPLF—whose survival instincts have never been in question—could have plunged the country into chaos to cling to power.
But it didn’t.
Which raises a deeper question: Who—or what—was powerful enough to make the TPLF step aside without setting the whole system ablaze?
External Levers
The answer may not lie in Addis Ababa, Mekelle, or Bahir Dar—but in Washington, Brussels, and the boardrooms of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and World Bank.
By 2017, Ethiopia was sliding into a debt crisis. Foreign currency reserves were dwindling. Major infrastructure projects were stalling. Government salaries were struggling to keep pace with inflation.
These weren’t just internal setbacks—they signaled that the country had exceeded the limits of its economic sovereignty.
At the same time, pressure from international financial institutions began to mount. To qualify for debt relief or new funding, Ethiopia was told it had to “reform”. And by reform, they meant implement neoliberal structural adjustments: Devalue the birr, float the exchange rate, slash public spending, eliminate subsidies, privatize state enterprises, and boost domestic tax collection.
Sound familiar? It should. These are precisely the policies the government has aggressively pursued since Abiy Ahmed took office.
But let’s be clear: This isn’t about conspiracy—it’s about economic leverage. Despite any good intentions, Ethiopia’s government has limited autonomy. Much of its policy space is defined by what international creditors demand in exchange for survival.
This is simply how the global economic system works. Countries that borrow heavily must accept policy terms set by their creditors. In Ethiopia’s case, this has meant implementing austerity measures that have often deepened public hardship while keeping foreign lenders satisfied.
The 2019 IMF loan and debt restructuring—worth nearly $3 billion—came with strings attached, including strict austerity measures: Devaluing the birr, slashing fuel and electricity subsidies, and privatizing state-owned enterprises.
The deal also required Ethiopia to tighten monetary policy, limit borrowing by state firms, and prioritize debt repayment over social spending—policies that eroded economic sovereignty while fueling inflation and public discontent.
In July 2024, the IMF approved a new four-year $3.4 billion Extended Credit Facility, but the government’s compliance came at a brutal cost. Fuel and electricity subsidies were abruptly axed, the birr was devalued past the point of stability, and, overnight, living expenses spiraled beyond reach. The consequences? A population pushed to the brink, simmering with rage as their economic foundations crumbled.
So once again, we must ask: Who truly holds power in Ethiopia today?
People Power
On paper, the people are the ultimate source of political legitimacy. But how much power do they really have when prices soar, basic services collapse, and the same policies keep moving forward—without their input?
The cost of living in Ethiopia is unbearable. There is no functional middle class anymore—only those who scrape by and those with access to foreign currency. Public servants, once the backbone of national stability, can barely feed their families. Healthcare is collapsing. Education is underfunded. And instead of relief, the people are met with higher taxes, new fees, and lectures about national sacrifice.
This isn’t governance. It’s economic surrender dressed up as reform.
Meanwhile, a government boxed in by debt and international lenders clings to the IMF’s blueprint as if it’s the only way forward. But this path wasn’t designed for Ethiopia’s complex socio-political fabric—it was designed for one purpose: Debt repayment. Period.
Leadership Bound
Prime Minister Abiy came to power with promises of unity, prosperity, and medemer. And to his credit, he inherited a deeply broken system. His hands were tied in more ways than the public fully appreciates.
But even the best of intentions are constrained by structural dependence. Ethiopia’s leadership cannot spend freely, invest strategically, or even delay painful reforms—because the funds that keep the economy afloat come with strings attached.
In this light, Abiy’s 2018 comment—”a poor country has no sovereignty”—is less a slogan than a bitter truth. One he may have come to understand more deeply over time.
Reimagining Sovereignty
So, where does that leave us? Ethiopians must begin to confront this uncomfortable reality: The Prime Minister is not fully in control. The people, while resilient, have been sidelined from decision-making. True economic power lies in institutions outside the country.
Ethiopia’s story doesn’t have to end in managed decline. But regaining autonomy will require bold and imaginative shifts in how the country approaches development and power.
One key step is recalibrating its international partnerships. To reduce dependence on Western lenders, Ethiopia must pivot. Strengthening ties with alternative partners—such as BRICS nations, African regional banks, and South-South trade blocs—could open new funding streams less tethered to neoliberal dogma. The African Continental Free Trade Area also offers the possibility of expanding trade and building resilience from within the continent.
But external alliances alone are not enough. True sovereignty begins at home, with a productive economy. Endless currency devaluation is no substitute for production. Ethiopia must invest in processing its own agricultural outputs, producing basic pharmaceuticals, and developing light manufacturing—sectors that build economic independence and cushion against global shocks.
Equally important is restoring trust between the state and its citizens. Without transparency, reforms will breed resentment rather than resilience. Citizens deserve a voice in how their economy is managed. The backroom deals with international institutions must be brought into the light. Auditing the national debt, identifying illegitimate or odious loans, and building public trust are essential if sovereignty is to mean anything at all.
Encouragingly, Ethiopia is not alone. Others have navigated similar terrain. This is not uncharted territory. In 1997, Malaysia defied IMF prescriptions, imposed capital controls, and recovered faster than its neighbors. Rwanda has pursued a more selective borrowing strategy, ensuring national goals take precedence. Neither path is perfect—but both show that alternatives exist.
Breaking the Spell
Power, as a fictional character once said, “resides where people believe it does”. In Ethiopia today, too many still believe that power rests solely in the hands of the government or the armed groups in conflict.
But real power—the kind that shapes policy, that determines whether a child eats or starves, whether a family can afford healthcare, whether a civil servant retains their dignity—resides elsewhere.
It is held in distant boardrooms, foreign treasuries, and algorithmically generated policy briefs. Unless Ethiopians collectively acknowledge this, confront it, and find new pathways, then sovereignty will remain a fiction.
But fictions can be challenged—and rewritten.
Query or correction? Email us
While this commentary contains the author’s opinions, Ethiopia Insight will correct factual errors.
Main photo: Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed receives a delegation led by IMF chief Kristalina Georgieva, February, 2025. Source: Fana Media Corporation

Published under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence. You may not use the material for commercial purposes.

Why are Ethiopians always complaining about Ethnic-Federalism?
It has zero effect on the economy whatsoever. If your ancestral city is poor, it is because YOU have done nothing to fix it. People from Butajira should not worry about Gondar. Is our country overflowed with such stupidity?
Usually our politicians are not qualified so don’t listen to them!
Ethiopia is one of the oldest independent and sovereign state, after I have said this. Ethiopia was Ruled by dynasty, military socialist , so Called Revolution democracy which received billions of loan , grant and aids in the name of Ethiopia . know we are in a social liberal economy , with the growing quality of life in the whole part of the country.
So, is this article the first piece of the narrative that Abiy alone is not to blame for the political and economic catastrophe he brought up on Ethiopia? Hehehe. However, hard you may try, Abiy’s failure is indefensible. The article, possibly deliberately, omits the cost of Abiy’s wars and shifts blame to pre-Abiy economic challenges. That is helpful neither to Abiy nor to the country. Did the IMF or world bank force Abiy to plan, mobilize and start an unnecessary war with TPLF? Did his mother prophetess tell him that one war does not beget other wars? Does the author know how much is borrowed from the UAE, and on what terms?
The article isn’t meant to excuse Abiy Ahmed or downplay the damage caused by his decisions, including the wars. Those choices have real and lasting consequences.
It’s simply pointing out that some of the problems run deeper and started long before him. Acknowledging that doesn’t shift the blame — it just means we need to fix the system itself, so we don’t repeat the same mistakes with the next leader.
Ethiopians (those who installed #TigrayGenocide and civil wars) sold Ethiopia’s sovereignty and dignity.
why? bcs they forgot the flame of fire could burn them sooner or later . Bcs they hate Tigray and its people than the love they have for themselves. For bunch of educated elites: Ethiopian forces, Eritrean forces, Amhara forces, somalian forces for 2 yrs operating in Tigray: raping, destroying Tigray and all the heritages, massacring was normal. It was for ethiopia’s dignity!
Now people start to feel sovereignty is breached when they feel starved: nor more Tirie sigga, raw meat. The top reason why Ethiopia cannot prevail and we are just people in one map, nothing more.
Sinful people would deserve more punishment!
We were alone during the times not bcs we are evils but bcs we were surrounded by evils. We are the most innocent people on this earth!
Ethiopians must start speaking the truth, especially on what happened to Tigray!
By the way, deja vu for Tigray, ominous for Ethiopia! If there is another war, It will also be a doomsday for those who committed #TigrayGenocide.
If peace and sovereignty was ”ethiopiawinet” and the interest of ethiopian people, it was Tigray 2018-2020 which pleaded to stop the breaching of sovereignty and avert a looming wars. It was Tigray more Ethiopia than the CHANKY Ethiopia which embraced foreign and evil forces to her military and intelligence.
In 2020, I felt Ethiopia, her hands twisted to her back by Abiy et al was being raped in plain and open market. Every elite and institution was tight lipped. I knew the goal– Tigray and its people.
Focusing on a single region is the legacy of ethnic-based federalism instituted by TPLF/EPRDF. The problem is systemic. The huge problem the country is full of people who can’t think beyond ethnic lenses. EPRDF is gone. However, the system it planted is still at its place. You can solve Tigray’s or any other region’s problem first by solving the systemic problem.
Both TPLF and Abiye’s PP are product of hate towards Ethiopia which is the creation of brave people from Northern part of the country. So, don’t make distinction between TPLF and Abiye. Both are products of hate towards the ancient Ethiopian civilization. The sad thing is TPLF leaders came from the area where that civilization started.
It was a war and not a genocide. Keep pushing that narrative though even in 2025 – the IC has stopped listening to that narrative. The nefarious tplf who created this ethnic-federalist system to divide, conquer, and rule knew the day would come when Ethiopia would be fed up with them; Amhara, Oromo, Somali, Gambella, etc. have had enough. To this day, tplf still plagues this country. Even now, aligning themselves with an evil like Isayas all to destroy Ethiopia. All while ignoring the calls from Tegaru mother’s shouting no more wars just peace – tplf ignores them because the party is more important than the people; power is more important than the people. I know you don’t care at all what about what I write because it doesn’t align with what you believe, but if you care much about Tegarus that are actually in Tigray that might face another war you would push for peace and reconciliation.