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Østebø underplays the dark side of Abiy’s religious revival
When Terje Østebø published “The Religion of Ethiopia’s Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed: Pentecostalism, Prosperity Gospel, and the Power of Positive Thinking” in the Journal of Modern African Studies earlier this year, he rightly insisted that faith is central to understanding Ethiopia’s embattled leader.
Yet Østebø’s argument ultimately falters. By framing Abiy’s Pentecostalism as personal optimism and prosperity gospel as a theology of abundance, he inadvertently strips religion of its political potency.
This is a fatal misstep. Faith in Ethiopia under Abiy is not benign. It has been weaponized into an ideological scaffolding of authoritarianism, war, and systemic breakdown. Christian nationalism and prosperity gospel are not private convictions; they are public ideologies that have legitimated one of the most destructive conflicts of the 21st century.
As theologian Andrew DeCort warned in Foreign Policy back in 2022, “Christian nationalism is tearing Ethiopia apart,” coinciding with civil war and genocidal rhetoric. Østebø’s article, by contrast, reduces these forces to matters of psychology and personal style.
Messianic Rhetoric
Abiy’s Pentecostalism cannot be read as mere spirituality. From his earliest speeches, he has deployed biblical metaphors to sacralize Ethiopia itself. His talk of “light over darkness,” “revival,” and “resurrection” is not devotional poetry. It is the language of a messianic project. Ethiopia is presented as divinely chosen; Abiy is its restorer.
This rhetoric is not new. Ethiopia’s imperial theology of closeness, from the Solomonic lineage to Emperor Haile Selassie’s sacral monarchy, long framed the state as a divine entity. Abiy has updated this legacy in Pentecostal idioms. Political dissent becomes spiritual rebellion. War is cast as holy struggle. Critics are not just opponents but enemies of God’s order.
This is Christian nationalism in practice. It fuses faith and nationhood into a single moral order where dissent is treason and violence is sanctified. Østebø’s claim that Abiy is guided by “positive thinking” trivializes this nationalist turn. It mistakes a public theology of power for personal optimism.
DeCort’s 2022 warning was clear: Ethiopia’s religious revival had coincided with civil war and genocidal rhetoric. Christian nationalism was not a side note; it was the accelerant. By failing to situate Abiy’s Pentecostalism within this nationalist trajectory, Østebø misses the very mechanism by which faith became the language of war.
Prosperity Ideology
Østebø’s second thesis—that Abiy is shaped by prosperity gospel’s theology of abundance—suffers from the same reductionism. In Ethiopia, prosperity gospel has mutated into an ideological system that legitimates inequality, militarizes sacrifice, and corrodes accountability.
Sanctifying inequality. Prosperity preachers declare wealth a sign of divine favor and poverty a mark of weak faith. In a country enduring mass displacement, spiraling inflation, and famine, this narrative absolves the state of responsibility while shielding elites. The very name of Abiy’s ruling party—Prosperity Party—is a branding exercise in prosperity theology, promising abundance while millions starve and flee.
Militarizing sacrifice. During the Tigray war, prosperity rhetoric framed the conflict as divinely guaranteed victory. Soldiers’ deaths were cast as “investments” in Ethiopia’s resurrection. Death itself was sacralized as currency. Østebø’s interpretation of prosperity as hopeful spirituality ignores its actual function as a theology of war mobilization.
Eroding accountability. Prosperity discourse delegitimizes civic resistance by framing outcomes as determined by divine will, not reform. Opposition becomes faithlessness; democracy becomes distraction.
Prominent prosperity preachers in Addis Ababa now serve as open arms of the regime. From their pulpits they parrot state propaganda, condemn critics as rebels against God, and bless military campaigns. Rather than providing moral critique, Ethiopia’s prosperity churches have been conscripted into the machinery of power. Østebø’s framing misses this co-option entirely.
The Corridor Mirage
Ethiopia’s capital city offers a metaphor for Abiy’s theology of prosperity. The government hails its Corridor Development Project in Addis Ababa as a symbol of modernity: gleaming roads, new parks, a museum, and neatly landscaped spaces. International media such as The Economist have noted that Abiy regards these corridors as the visual embodiment of his positive image, proof that his administration delivers prosperity.
Yet, beneath the shiny façade lies violence. Human rights organizations report mass evictions, with families expelled from historic neighborhoods like Piassa without notice or compensation. The “prosperity corridor” erases heritage, disrupts livelihoods, and destroys communities. It is development as displacement, progress as propaganda.
The contradiction could not be sharper. While Abiy showcases new roads in Addis Ababa as his legacy, Ethiopia is engulfed in multi-sector wars, famine, and social collapse. Entire regions are in ruins, millions displaced, thousands of civilians killed, women subjected to mass sexual violence, communities burned alive. In the 21st century, Ethiopia has witnessed a human being burned alive under the shadow of a regime preaching prosperity.
The corridor becomes a metaphor for Abiy’s politics: Cosmetic prosperity masking national devastation.
Global Cultivation
Abiy’s religious-nationalist image was not only crafted at home. Long before he became prime minister in 2018, he was already being courted by international evangelical networks, most notably through the U.S. National Prayer Breakfast in Washington.
The Prayer Breakfast has for decades functioned as more than a spiritual gathering. It is a discreet diplomatic stage where American evangelicals forge ties with foreign leaders, often privileging shared language of faith over questions of accountability or human rights.
For ambitious politicians like Abiy, it offered a ready-made seal of approval. His inclusion in this circle gave him global legitimacy as a “faith-driven reformer” even before Ethiopians had cast a ballot in his favor.
When he assumed office, that international validation became a force multiplier. Foreign media and policymakers embraced the narrative of a pious visionary, even as censorship tightened, opposition was crushed and new wars ignited. Abiy’s religiosity was never only Ethiopian; it was curated in transnational evangelical circuits that bestowed both cover and credibility.
Østebø’s omission of this scaffolding leaves a vital dimension unseen.
Theological Furnace
The cumulative effect is stark. Abiy’s Pentecostalism, prosperity gospel, prosperity branding, and international cultivation have converged into a political theology that accelerates authoritarianism and legitimizes violence. Ethiopia’s crisis is not only ethnic or constitutional. It is also theological.
Christian nationalism provides the moral vocabulary for exclusion and war. Prosperity gospel sacralizes inequality and death. Prosperity Party branding and corridor projects mask destruction with cosmetic development. International networks validate authoritarian piety abroad. Together, they have produced a furnace in which Ethiopia’s fragile fabric has been consumed.
A corrective reading of Abiy’s religion must name these realities plainly. His Pentecostalism is not private piety but nationalist theology. Prosperity gospel is not hope but an ideological cover for inequality and war. The Prosperity Party and the corridor project are façades of abundance masking mass devastation. Prominent prosperity preachers are no longer spiritual leaders but regime functionaries. And Abiy’s global cultivation by the Prayer Breakfast shows how his religiosity was nurtured internationally as well as domestically.
Only by confronting these truths can scholars and policymakers grasp why Ethiopia has descended into such deep ruin.
Ethical Reckoning
Østebø’s article makes the important point that Abiy’s religiosity matters. But by treating Pentecostalism as personal optimism and prosperity gospel as theology of abundance, it misses the political truth: Faith in Ethiopia today is fire.
It is fire that sanctifies authoritarianism. Fire that burns opponents as enemies of God. Fire that masks displacement as development. Fire that consumes the social fabric, leaving a nation engulfed in unseen layers of conflict, atrocity, and despair.
As DeCort warned, Christian nationalism is tearing Ethiopia apart. That reality has only intensified. Ethiopia’s path to peace begins with honesty: faith has been weaponized as ideology, prosperity has become a façade, and religion has been co-opted as the language of power and war.
Anything less than this honesty—including Østebø’s reductionist account—risks reproducing the blindness that has allowed violence to be sanctified. To speak truthfully today is not merely academic. It is an ethical necessity in a land where prosperity is preached, corridors are built, and humankind burns.
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While this commentary contains the author’s opinions, Ethiopia Insight will correct factual errors.
Main photo: First Lady Zinash Tayachew, wife of Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, leading a Protestant worship song during a 2022 ceremony. Source: social media.

Published under Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial 4.0 International licence. You may not use the material for commercial purposes.

The hate for Protestant’s in Ethiopia worrisome. Abiy can choose to be protestant, muslim or orthodox christian. The religion of the PM has nothing to do with the politics at play. You are trying to aim at anything Abiy touches or supports to use it as fuel for your hate of Abiy. Go ahead and hate him, but leave protestants out of this. Protestant’s have never ruled Ethiopia – Orthodoxy in a way has though. EOTC has blood on it’s hands but you don’t talk about that. To say Christianity is fueling authoritarianism is delusion. Insurgency and bandas are fueling authoritarianism, the broken system is fueling authoritarianism, power hunger elites are fueling authoritarianism. Leave protestants out of this. Last I checked, aren’t fano fighters orthodoxy followers who want to go back to having the monarchy and orthodoxy as the state religion- thus removing the freedom of religion? Oh and by the way, there’s only One Gospel and it’s the Gospel of Jesus Christ. There’s no other gospel – there’s no “Prosperity gospel”, that’s just a false teaching and should not be called a gospel. Leave protestant alone. People are free to practice whatever religion they believe in.
Abiy’s preferred disposition is towards things that convey glitz and glamour, with a touch of imperial nostalgia. This is best demonstrated by: his choice of the name prosperity party (in the midst of widespread poverty around the country), the emphasis on urban renewal for Addis may be to turn it into another Dubai, and the much talked about new palace under construction perhaps on the scale and grandeur of the Versailles palace in France.
And all this in a country that is highly indebted, unable to pay its debts when due, and frequently pleading for debt reduction and relief. The irony of preaching prosperity on borrowed money.
The Abiy project seems to include militarism: the misguided notion that you can win a war when you have the tanks and bombs, and a population large enough that can absorb losing soldiers in warfare. And Ethiopia’s 4-star general now has the glamorous title of Field Marshal.
So, what is missing for Abiy is the prestige of having a port and a navy to complement an image of land, air and sea military profile. And therein lies the obsession about Assab, the potential for conflict with Eritrea, and whether other Red Sea coastal states such as Egypt, Saudi Arabia, and Sudan will make it clear that they will not accept Ethiopia’s incursion into the Red Sea by force. In which case Ethiopia’s temptation to annex Assab would be a military misadventure.
Yakki isaa kan himame caalaa kan himaminiitu guddaadha